Men and Family Planning : A Population Day Reimagination
The 11th Common Review Mission report of the
National Health Mission released recently, reiterated what is common knowledge
in India, that women bear the brunt of family planning responsibilities in this
country. Since the days of the Emergency, when men had been taken forcibly from
the streets and sterilized, the family planning programme has been squarely
directed at women. Following the success of the male sterilization camps from
Kerala and Tamil Nadu in the 1970’s, the female sterilization programme also
adopted the camp approach, even though the female sterilization operation is a
completely different proposition in terms of technical quality and competencies
required. The introduction of the laparoscope made the tubal ligation operation
appear to be the most simple among surgical techniques, and doctors in India
went on record breaking sprees before failures, complications and deaths
brought issues of quality to the fore. It has required the Supreme Court to
make orders in two cases, Ramakant Rai anr vs UOI ( 2003) and Devika Biswas anr
UOI ( 2015) and the quality of the
programme is still not fully assured. Considering the levels of gender
inequality, it is possible that till women remain the targets of the programme,
the quality will remain suspect.
The relationship between family planning and development is
a long one. The initial participation of men in India’s family planning
programme was part of the post-Independence national building thrust. I have
met many older men in rural India the 1980’s and 90’s who had mentioned this
with pride. Clearly they were not the ones who had faced the wrath of Sanjay
Gandhi’s misplaced enthusiasm. Much later when the government realized that the
family planning programme had become completely lopsided, and when gender
issues became more commonly discussed after the International Conference on
Population and Development ( Cairo 1994) and Fourth World Conference on Women (Beijing
1995), men were difficult to attract to the programme. A common myth has been
that operations weaken men, but more common is the fact that women are
concerned with failure. If the woman’s operation fails and she becomes
pregnant, she does not face any social stigma but has to go through one more
pregnancy. However if the man’s operation fails, and isolated reports indicate
we do have very high failure rates for sterilization in India, the woman stands
to be blamed possibly for having sex with someone else, because the husband is
assumed sterile. This can have disastrous consequences for women in a country
where male honour is closely related with women’s virginity and faithfulness.
Once men were freed from the ‘nation building’ prerogative,
the business of family planning has become completely a women’s affair, and has
nothing to do with the circle of men’s concern. If you look at family
relationships and reproduction in India, especially in those states where Total
Fertility Rates (TFR), or the number of children each woman has, is high, it is
clear that men and women often inhabit different worlds. The men are in the
public domain, while the women are either inside the house or behind long
veils. Men are not even expected to play any childcare roles, other than
toughen boys to become men. Daughters are isolated from their fathers, with
little scope for any parental intimacy. The main concern of the father remains
the daughter’s virginity which is closely associated with the man’s honour, and
the consequence is early marriage. In the marital home the daughter-in-law is a
domestic worker, a role she is prepared from early on in her natal home, and a
successful breeder. Success being related to her ability to bear ‘sons’. It is
not surprising therefore that early childbearing is a key marker of a
successful daughter-in-law among all classes in India, because marriage is
essentially an arrangement for carrying on the family line within strict
‘caste’ parameters. Marriage being essentially a family affair in large parts
of rural and even urban India, the young couple hardly has time to develop
close interpersonal intimacies. Children also belong to the family, women do
the reproduction so the arrangement through which women manage their
contraceptive needs falls into this overall pattern. When children are born, the world they
inhabit includes mothers, aunts, grandmothers and grandaunts, and the father
even if interested has to be in very peripheral roles. The main role of the men
is to remain on hand to take economic decisions regarding costs of care during
pregnancy, child birth or the post-partum period and to ensure that the women
can be taken to the hospital if and when the need arises. With men increasingly
migrating out of villages, the father is often absent when his child is born.
The image of the family as a closely knit unit of people
with blood and marital ties and deep interpersonal and intimate relationships
is not one which is true for much of India’s rural families. Yes there are
blood and marital ties, which creates kinship relationships and these have high
value especially for men. Men and women have clear and complementary roles to
perform and boys and girls are socialized to perform these roles. The levels of
intimacy that is assumed in the middle class colonially influenced imagination
do not usually exist in these spaces, especially in the joint and extended
families. On a somewhat different note it is not surprising where interpersonal
intimacies are so limited, levels of domestic violence and forced sex in
marriage are as high as they are in India.
To create a male interest in family planning in India will
require creating an interest within the existing framework of hegemonic
masculinities which men inhabit or restructure social relationships at the
family level to create new levels of male engagement within the family. The
rhetoric of nationalism or superior race or religion as the imperative for
contraceptive use or ‘selective breeding’ creates an ethos for male engagement
which is clearly within a framework of hegemonic masculinities and has been
done in the past. Shades of this argument do come up in the framing of
population policies even in states in India from time to time. But this can
never be a logic for promoting male participation. The current state policies
within the ‘Mission Parivar Vikas’ continue to be driven by the logic of financial
incentives without creating a clear vision of the man or father within an
intimate family space.
The Centre for Health and Social Justice (CHSJ) has over the
last ten years and more been working with men on issues of gender justice and
one of the areas which has shown clear signs of promise is men’s engagement
within the family. With the larger socio-economic changes which are upon us,
older social tropes are giving way. With increasing women’s literacy and
empowerment the stress on relations between women and men who are less adapted
to change are high leading to greater contests and to violence inside and
outside the household. CHSJ has worked with men in hundreds of villages in the
states of UP, MP, Rajasthan, Maharashtra and Jharkhand, and in all these places
men and women count on improved and more intimate relationships in the family
as a key dimension of change. This leads to greater involvement of men as
fathers and spouse, participating in household work, childcare as well as
taking contraceptive responsibility.
Even though there is still some hesitation in adopting vasectomy, which
is the most important concern for the state, men are being more consistent in
their use of condoms as well as supporting women in their use of
contraceptives. The most important change that we have seen is that spacing
among children has increased, and couples are using contraceptive even before
the first child has been born. This is extremely important as breaks down the
imperative that women face in proving that they are fertile as soon as possible
after marriage. An important by product of this male involvement has been women
reporting better sex, a rare consideration for a family planning programme!
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